MOVE ALONG, DO NOT READ THIS!!! The Censored & Buried Book Israeli Zionists & Both Parties Do NOT Want You Reading

What is perhaps most compelling about Glubb’s text is that its historical analysis opens up insight into Zionism and its fascist character in the present day.

Cartoon by Mark Taylor / DeMOCKracy.ink

We are under direct threat of a murderous ideology. We Americans have a lot of learning to catch up on.

By Mark Taylor
DeMOCKracy.ink (7/21/24)

There is a fundamental difference between being ignorant and stupid.

Ignorant is when you simply have not been exposed to the facts of an issue. Stupid is not changing you perspective, opinion and actions after learning the true facts. There is another reason information-defying actions don’t change and that can be — when others are harmed as a result — evil.

Until October 7th, I — as most Americans — was completely ignorant of the true history and situation in the occupied areas of Palestine. Certainly, I had heard of Zionism but thought it was just a right-wing of the government, an Israeli version of the Tea Party. Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was cataloged in my brain as being an Israeli version of many of the right wing jerks cluttering the Republican party.

Overall I had a fairly neutral view of Israel.

In a word, I was ignorant. Very ignorant.

Early on the images that began rolling out of Gaza shattered that comfortable ignorance. A long-time Jewish friend sympathized with my angst over what was happening and noted, “It’s complicated.”

I began to learn more about Zionism and the fascist politics and colonization process of the Zionist state of Israel. Early on, courageous Jewish scholars and journalists like Max Blumenthal, Gabor and Aaron Matte, Katie Halper, Marc Steiner, Glenn Greenwald and more exposed to me a completely unknown — I now realise intentionally hidden — reality of the origins, nature and sinister entanglement of Zionist and Nazi political theory. I have been shocked and sickened by the Nazi tactics of today’s Israel in the Gaza genocide, that is fully funded, armed and diplomatically excused by the country I live in (as opposed to my country).

But now I understand why such depravity is happening.

Treason & ‘Babysitters’ of fascism

As a one-time journalist, I have been sickened by my former profession’s corrupted, timid and largely enabling coverage of modern Israel and the ZioNazi philosophy and it’s absolute control over the White House, Congress, both political parties, State and War departments. The fact that a wealthy mob of interconnected Zionist big-money political action committees literally owns every member of Congress to the point where each has an American Israel Public Affairs Committee ‘AIPAC babysitter’ points to a level of treason few have begun to grasp.

Throughout his tawdry career for the corporate state, Pres. Joe Biden has repeatedly described himself as a Zionist and at a recent cringe huggy meet-up with Netanyahu declared, "I don't believe you have to be a Jew to be a Zionist, and I am a Zionist."

Once you understand the history, true meaning and demands of Zionism, you understand the President of the United States came right out and boldly declared he has dual loyalty with another country. On that basis alone Biden should be removed from office immediately. You don’t need a super-functioning brain to know that.

Once my search began for truth about Zionism and the collapse of the United States government and media into Israel’s control I began finding amazing books and historical accounts that have been hidden from us in plain site, especially Jewish scholar Terry Greenstein’s amazing 2022 book Zionism During the Holocaust: The Weaponisation of Memory in the Service of State and Nation. Greenstein was raised in an orthodox family and his father was a rabbi.

Below, you will find other resources exposing fascist Zionism as every bit as sick and serious — seriously sick — as Nazism: ZioNazism. The fact that the U.S. government is under direct control and at the beck and call of Zionist forces is a direct threat to the freedom and rights of all Americans. All fascist governments turn on their citizens.

Freedom under assault

Already our First Amendment right to free speech has been neutered as student protesters have been assaulted by goons and police and many kicked out of colleges. The term ‘anti-semitic’ has been ridiculously stretched to meaninglessness. People have lost jobs for expressing any doubt or challenge to the US/Israel genocide, or even sympathy for our many brutalized victims, now estimated to be 186,000 dead, plus the wounded, maimed, traumatized and now homeless.

We are under direct threat of a murderous ideology. We Americans have a lot of learning to catch up on. Please check out the resources below and Greenstein’s work mentioned above. Forward to others, repost or use the information in your own Substack post. Reclaiming historical truth is the first step in stopping the genocide and defending our nation from a ZioNazi attack on our independence, supposed national values, integrity and — ultimately — freedom.

You can begin with a powerful 5-minute video crash course in realty by a young Jewish American woman who explains why it “really isn’t that complicated”, here.

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The Nazi Roots Of Zionism As A Fascist Ideology & Movement

“The weak crumble, are slaughtered and are erased from history while the strong … survive.” – Benjamin Netanyahu

“We have seen it … Zionism is fascism … exactly.” – George Habash

By L. Allday & S. Al-Saleh
Liberated Texts.com (10/31/23)

Published by the Palestine Research Center in Beirut in 1978, just four years before it was looted and later bombed by Zionist forces during their occupation of Lebanon, Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany [link to pdf version] is a neglected study of a topic that has been suppressed in the mainstream to such an extent it has become virtually a taboo.

Over four decades have passed since the publication of this concise and powerful book and it has remained mostly unnoticed, uncited, and unknown. Yet it should be essential reading, since it provides crucial historical context on Zionism and its relationship with European fascism. This historical context shows Zionism to be an ideology and movement that is indisputably fascist in character, from the time of its collaboration with European fascist forces right up to the present moment, and for the duration of its ongoing campaign of genocidal violence against the Palestinian people, which began more than 75 years ago. Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany can therefore be read in two interlinked ways:

• 1) for its historical evidence about the Zionist movement’s repressed history and

• 2) as a study that engages in the ideological battle against Zionism, confronting its racist and false self-representation as a movement for the salvation of all Jewish people.

The book’s front cover gives its author as Faris Yahya, but an insert glued inside reveals this to be a pen name of Faris Glubb, a fascinating but little known revolutionary figure whose life and work have been similarly overlooked.

Faris Glubb – A Short Biography

Born Godfrey Glubb in Jerusalem in 1939, Faris was the son of John Bagot Glubb – better known as Glubb Pasha – and Murial Rosemary Forbes. His father, a renowned British military officer, served as Commander of the Arab Legion, the military force of the British Protectorate of Transjordan (the Kingdom of Jordan from 1946 onwards) from 1939 until his dismissal in 1956. An Evangelical Christian and committed servant of the British Empire, Glubb Senior named his son after Godfrey of Bouillon, the first ruler of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. But his life was to follow a very different trajectory to that of both his father and his namesake: one dedicated to the Palestinian cause and anti-imperialist struggle.

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“The suppression of Zionism’s historical development was part of a broader campaign to rebrand Israel as a progressive, anti-fascist project representing an antithesis to Nazism. As a counter to this narrative, however, Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany suggests that Zionism’s collaboration with fascism was not accidental and momentary, but part of its very foundations.”

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A complete biography of Glubb’s multifaceted life falls beyond the scope of this review, but some knowledge of how he became committed to the Palestinian cause despite his imperial upbringing is necessary to fully understand the book’s context and its author’s motivations. Born in Palestine, raised in Jordan and heavily immersed in the Arabic language from birth, Godfrey became known as Faris from a young age. This name, meaning knight in Arabic, was given to him by Abdullah I, the Emir of Transjordan, with whom his father worked closely for many years. Raised in a militaristic environment surrounded by the largely bedouin troops of the Arab Legion, Glubb was often found in his father’s company wearing a specially made replica of the force’s uniform, “complete with shamagh”.

Witness to crime

As a young boy in 1947–48, Glubb witnessed first hand the impact of the Zionist ethnic cleansing of Palestine, or the Nakba, when Palestinian orphans were left at his family’s residence by refugees expelled by Zionist militias. Two of these children were adopted and raised by Glubb’s parents as his siblings. His own son, Mark Glubb, believes that witnessing the devastating human impact of the Nakba directly in this way sparked Glubb’s deeply held and lifelong commitment to the Palestinian cause.

As fluent in Arabic as he was English, Glubb struggled to adapt when he was sent to boarding school in Britain and ran away from Wellington College to the Jordanian Military Delegation in London. His arrival in Britain in 1951 was covered in the local press. In the illustrated London newspaper The Sphere, under the heading “The Arab Legion Commander’s Son Arrives in London”, a young Glubb was depicted “wearing Arab head-dress as he leaves his plane at London Airport”. He converted to Islam aged 18, but according to his son Mark, Glubb had felt Muslim long before his official conversion took place at al-Azhar Mosque in Cairo. After enrolling and then dropping out of the University of Oxford’s Exeter College, Glubb studied at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London where he became involved in pro-Palestine organising.

After his studies, Glubb remained in London and continued to be active in political writing and organising. By 1966, he had become Secretary of the Movement for Colonial Freedom, a prominent anti-imperialist advocacy group established in 1954 by a number of Labour MPs who, unlike the majority of their party and its leadership, supported independence for Britain’s colonies. Glubb was especially active in support of anti-imperialist resistance to the British presence in Oman and the Persian Gulf as a whole. He became Secretary of the Committee for the Rights of Oman and spoke out publicly against British imperialist violence in the Gulf, including at the UN General Assembly in New York. This was very much to the consternation of British officials, who were perplexed that the son of Glubb Pasha would take such positions. Indeed, it is evident from Foreign Office files that Glubb’s activities were of serious concern to the British state and, during questioning at the UN General Assembly in 1965, Glubb claimed that the Committee had been subject to harassment by the UK authorities and that he possessed evidence its mail had been opened.

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“[I]n the higher echelons of the Zionist movement, notably in the Jewish Agency whose leaders sat out the war in safe havens to become the future Israeli Government, there was no division of opinion. No clarion call for a revolt against Nazism came from these leaders, nor is it recorded that they made any attempt, for instance, to smuggle in arms to the ghetto fighters who so desperately needed them.” — Faris Yahya Glubb

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Glubb edited and published the Committee’s periodical Free Oman for several years and took a resolutely anti-imperialist and revolutionary position in its pages, drawing links between oppression at home and abroad. Despite the importance and relative prominence of his activities at the time, Glubb is a neglected figure and those few mentions of him that do appear in the public domain are frequently negative or patronising, a fate often suffered by those who dare to go against the imperialist grain in the West. In a sneering 1963 profile of Glubb and the Committee, The Guardian dismissed Free Oman as an “Egyptian propaganda sheet” for its support of Egyptian President Nasser, and while it stressed Glubb’s “personal integrity” was not in question, it belittled him as a “pale, threadbare and slightly bearded young man” who though he espoused “the cause with evident sincerity”, had never been to Oman.

In addition to his interest in Oman and the Gulf, Glubb was also active in Palestine solidarity circles. In May 1966, he delivered a rousing speech at the Palestine Day Conference in London convened by the General Union of Arab Students in the UK and Ireland. Introduced by the Union’s Chairman as a “person who is well-known and loved throughout the Middle East … who has, for 11 years, served Arab liberation movements”, Glubb situated Palestine clearly within an anti-imperialist framework, arguing it could not be viewed in isolation, but rather as “part of the anti-imperialist struggle, both in the Arab world and in the wider context of the whole human race against imperialism, led by the most dangerous enemy of mankind, US Imperialism”. Glubb stressed too that while he deplored the “barbarous treatment” that European countries had inflicted on the Jews in Europe, it must be stated clearly that “the Arab people are not responsible for the crimes committed by European barbarism and compensation to the victims … should be made by European nations themselves and not by the Arab people”.

Following the Six Day War (or the Naksa as it is known in Arabic) in June 1967, Glubb left Tunisia, where he had spent some time teaching and broadcasting after leaving London, and returned to his childhood home, Jordan. A scathing profile of Glubb published in The Detroit Jewish News the following year quotes him explaining that: “the June War between the Arabs and the Israelis had a big effect on me. I have always felt the Arabs were my people. When I saw the pictures of Jordanians charred by Israeli bombs and refugees pouring over Allenby bridge, I knew my place is here!” A similarly uncomplimentary report in the right-wing tabloid The News of the World later the same year reported that Glubb had become a “shill propagandist” on Amman radio and was “more Arab than the Arabs”. In actual fact, in addition to journalistic work, while back in Jordan, Glubb taught at a school for Palestinian refugees and increased his connections to the burgeoning Palestinian revolutionary movement based there. Following the events of Black September in 1970, when, after their military defeat by the Jordanian state in collaboration with Western imperialism, the PLO and other Palestinian groups were forced to leave for Lebanon, Glubb went with them and headed for Beirut.

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“From its inception until the present day, the Zionist movement has been reactionary and has aligned itself with capitalist, imperialist, anti-semitic, right-wing, and fascist forces. It is through its relations with such forces that Zionism has sustained itself.”

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In the Lebanese capital, Glubb threw himself deeper into the struggle. He continued his journalistic work for the Western press, often writing under the pseudonym Michael O’Sullivan, and also wrote for a number of Arabic newspapers. Beyond his journalism, he fostered close relations with several of the Palestinian factions who had decamped to Lebanon, providing his services as an aid worker, writer, editor, translator, interpreter, greeter of international delegations and, according to several Arabic-language accounts: a fighter. Indeed, one former comrade recalls Faris being active militarily with more than one faction and recounted one of his commanders saying, half in jest, “we always sent him [Faris] to the most dangerous situations and he returned safely. We needed an English martyr!” Another reminiscence from a former comrade reveals Glubb’s nom de guerre was Abu al-Fida’ and that he ran revolutionary security training for new cadres and participated in many missions.\

Other works by Glubb

It was in these years that Glubb formed a close association with the PLO’s Palestine Research Center, with whom he published the text under review here. In addition to this work, Glubb published a number of others in this period including The Palestine Question in International Law (1970) and Zionism, is it Racist? (1975). He also translated a number of works including Sadat: From Fascism to Zionism (1979) and Stars in the Sky of Palestine (1978), a collection of short stories by Palestinian writers which he edited, as well as contributed to.

It is evident that Glubb did not see himself as merely an ally or sympathiser with the cause, but in fact considered himself to be Palestinian. When asked by a journalist during the Civil War why, despite being British, he was fighting in defence of Beirut and the Palestinians, Glubb is said to have responded “I am a Palestinian, and I was born in Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine. My roots also go back to Ireland, but my flesh and blood are Palestinian”. This was confirmed by Adnan al-Ghoul, a friend of Glubb’s from this period who stated that he always felt he was a Palestinian from Jerusalem, refused to identify in any other way, and was wholeheartedly committed to the cause. Or in the words of another former comrade, Hassan al-Batl, Glubb was “truly Palestinian, by birth and affiliation”.

The Ideological Battle Against Zionism

With a deep affinity to the Palestinian cause, Glubb produced research and writing that aimed to support the struggle and engaged in the ideological battles that confronted it. His Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany was written at a moment when the historical record of collaboration between Nazi Germany and the Zionist movement was obscured and suppressed by the latter, indicating “how successful the Zionist movement has been in the art of propaganda”. Twenty-five years after its publication, two Israeli-Zionist authors included Glubb’s Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany in their article titled “Perceptions of the Holocaust in Palestinian Public Discourse” and reduced his argument to mere allegations, painting a racist image of Palestinians and their supporters as anti-Semitic Holocaust deniers. Their position is illustrative of how any attempt by those within the Palestinian national liberation movement to delineate and explain the historical reality of Zionism is routinely met with accusations of bigotry and anti-Semitism. Glubb knew well that this tactic, including repression of historical knowledge, had resulted in “widespread public ignorance” of the history of Nazi-Zionist collaboration, or what he otherwise terms as the Nazi-Zionist “alliance of convenience”. Pointing to the “Zionist tendency to brand any non-Zionist or anti-Zionist viewpoint as ‘anti-Semitic’”, and in a clear attempt to pre-empt such accusations, Glubb opted to use material for his study “taken exclusively from Jewish sources”. Further historical work has been written on the Nazi-Zionist relationship in the decades since Glubb wrote his study, including by Lenni Brenner and Joseph Massad, yet generally it remains on the margins of public knowledge and consciousness.

Glubb dedicates his first chapter to establishing “the philosophical common ground between Zionism and anti-Semitism”, namely, their shared premise that Jewish people are unassimilable into non-Jewish societies and constitute an exclusive racial grouping.This philosophical common ground between Zionism and anti-Semitism unfolded concretely in history as the Zionist movement openly collaborated with and sought support from racist forces in Europe from its inception. For Glubb, this is demonstrated in one of Zionism’s foundational texts, The Jewish State (1896), wherein Theodor Herzl declares that “the governments of all countries scourged by anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain the sovereignty we want”.

With Herzl’s diplomatic objectives to obtain support for the Zionist movement, Glubb shows how he appealed to leading anti-Semitic figures across Europe, from Czarist Russia to Britain. In Russia, Herzl appealed to anti-Semitic politicians such as Wenzel von Plehve who “favoured the Zionist plan to remove the Jews from Europe”. Still, “the most important foundations laid by Herzl for Zionism’s future successes were anti-Semitic circles in Britain,” where he supported and encouraged right-wing British efforts to prohibit Jewish immigration into the country. Glubb draws from the anti-Zionist Jewish thinker Moshe Menuhin, who argued that “for the whole crowd of blackguards and reactionaries who ruled Europe, Herzl had a favourite promise: Zionism would dissolve all revolutionary and socialist elements among the Jews”. Zionism began and developed as a reactionary political ideology, one that aligned itself with and secured the interests of Europe’s ruling class.

After Herzl died in 1904, his efforts were continued by Chaim Weizmann, whose campaigning for the Zionist movement was likewise based on a political ideology that was both imperialist and anti-semitic. …

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Article Excerpts:

Glubb noted: “…the Arab people are not responsible for the crimes committed by European barbarism and compensation to the victims … should be made by European nations themselves and not by the Arab people”.

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“Glubb knew well that this tactic [of smearing anti-Zionists as antisemitic] , including repression of historical knowledge, had resulted in “widespread public ignorance” of the history of Nazi-Zionist collaboration, or what he otherwise terms as the Nazi-Zionist “alliance of convenience”. Pointing to the “Zionist tendency to brand any non-Zionist or anti-Zionist viewpoint as ‘anti-Semitic’”, and in a clear attempt to pre-empt such accusations, Glubb opted to use material for his study “taken exclusively from Jewish sources”.

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In the chapter “The Common Ground Between Zionism and Nazism,” Glubb demonstrates that the Zionist movement, like Nazism, embraced dissimilation, the notion that Jews could not be assimilated into European societies. This shared philosophy of dissimilation explains how a “convinced Nazi like Adolf Eichmann was able to be on cordial terms with Zionists, and to describe himself as pro-Zionist, while remaining dedicated to the Nazi ideology”. As an SS intelligence officer wrote in a Nazi party newspaper in 1935, “the [Nazi] government finds itself in complete agreement with … Zionism [and] its .. rejection of all assimilationist ideas”.

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“As a corrective, Glubb provides historical evidence about the Zionist movement’s history and by extension elucidates Zionism’s historical relationship to reactionary political forces across Europe. This historical clarity can work to inform and contextualise contemporary analysis of the Zionist project and its relationship with modern manifestations of fascism such as the neo-Nazi Azov movement in Ukraine, as well as highlight the extent to which Israel’s attempts to portray Hamas as the “new Nazis” are a clear case of psychological projection.

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The Old Evil Of Israel’s Brutal Colonization Of Palestinian Land Continues

I returned to occupied Palestine, from where I had reported for The New York Times, after two decades. I experienced once more the visceral evil of Israel’s occupation.

By Chris Hedges
The Chris Hedges Report (7/12/24)

RAMALLAH, Occupied Palestine: It comes back in a rush, the stench of raw sewage, the groan of the diesel, sloth-like Israeli armored personnel carriers, the vans filled with broods of children, driven by chalky faced colonists, certainly not from here, probably from Brooklyn or somewhere in Russia or maybe Britain. Little has changed. The checkpoints with their blue and white Israeli flags dot the roads and intersections. The red-tiled roofs of the colonist settlements — illegal under international law — dominate hillsides above Palestinian villages and towns. They have grown in number and expanded in size. But they remain protected by blast barriers, concertina wire and watchtowers surrounded by the obscenity of lawns and gardens. The colonists have access to bountiful sources of water in this arid landscape that the Palestinians are denied. 

The winding 26-foot high concrete wall that runs the 440 mile length of occupied Palestine, with its graffiti calling for liberation, murals with the Al-Aqsa mosque, faces of martyrs and the grinning and bearded mug of Yasser Arafat — whose concessions to Israel in the Oslo agreement made him, in the words of Edward Said, “the Pétain of the Palestinians” — give the West Bank the feel of an open air prison. The wall lacerates the landscape. It twists and turns like some huge, fossilized antediluvian snake severing Palestinians from their families, slicing Palestinian villages in half, cutting communities off from their orchards, olive trees and fields, dipping and rising out of wadis, trapping Palestinians in the Jewish state’s updated version of a Bantustan.

It has been over two decades since I reported from the West Bank. Time collapses. The smells, sensations, emotions and images, the lilting cadence of Arabic and the miasma of sudden and violent death that lurks in the air, evokes the old evil. It is as if I never left. …

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